The scientific way of life is governed by three broad classes of
interacting motives: curiosity, the desire to know what is going on when one's
back is turned, where one's vision cannot easily reach, or where a situation is
to complex for clear viewing; practicality, the desire that the results of
one's labors, search, and inquiry should 'make a difference', and intrinsic
orderliness, the desire that the masses of accumulated data be reduced to a
comprehensible order and that the complexities which have been unraveled in the
satisfaction of one's curiosity be not again obscured by the imposition upon
the data of an arbitrary order.
There are many consequences
of the recognition of the motivation of the scientist. One can, for example,
readily derive therefrom an appreciation of the importance which the scientist
attaches to the principle of parsimony and one can discern in these terms many
important implications for the requisites of a philosophy of science.
When seen in the light of
these interacting motives, the great controversies which have raged over pure
vs, applied science obscure the real problem. Reduced to the level of the
functioning scientist, the basic question is not one of pure vs, applied
science, but rather of the degree to which the scientist's diverse needs are
satisfied. The so-called 'pure scientist' is not uncorcerned with the broader
systematic aspects of his results, nor is the 'applied scientist, uncorcerned
with the broader systematic aspects of his
work. It is true, of course, that scientific techniques may be adapted to
non-scientific practical purposes, but if the sole concern is with the
practical purposes and not at all with exploring the unknown or contributing to
the siystematization of knowledge, then the adapter may be a high grade
technologist, but he is not a scientist, 'pure' or 'applied'. A physician, for
example, does not become a scientist merely by doing urine analysis.
The question of
practicality draws attention, however, to an important aspect of the
contemporary scientific world. One can arrive at a recognition of two broad
approaches to scientific inquiry. The first may be characterized as
descriptive. The scientist, when he follows this approach, is concerned with
describing the world as it is and with discovering correlated terms. He is
little concerned with the causes or determining conditions of events, indeed he
may even be skeptical about the existence of 'causes'. His labors are not
without practical signifikance. It is after all in the world as it is that we
must act, and full familiarity with the arens of action help us to act less
blindly. It is true that the occasions for making use of the knowledge acquired
by purely descriptive research are not always immediately apparent; and, in a
changing world, some of the accumulated knowledge may have lost its partinence
by the time the occasion for action arises. The main point is that this
approach is not by itself sufficient for the scientist whose chief concerns are
geared towards changing the world as it is while at the same time contributing
to the acquisition and ordering of human knowledge.
The second broad approach
may be characterized as the conditional. The scientist, when he adheres to this
approach, is primarily concerned with the determining conditions of events. He
is not equally satisfied with the discovery of all varieties of
correlationships. He want to discover a special kind of correlation, the causal
or, more properly, the conditional variety. Toward this end, he must usually do
something more than merely to describe.
Conditional relationships
may sometimes be inferred from purely descriptive data, but the method of
choice in the conditional approach is the actual manipulation of circumstances
and the observation of the resultant changes. It is with these
considerations in mind that one can, perhaps, best understand the field of
action research. It is a field which developed to satisfy the needs of the
socio-political individual who recognizes that, in science, he can find the mos
reliable guide to effective actiom, and the needs of the scientist who wants
his labors to be of maximal social utility as well as of theoretical
significance.
Offhand it may seem that the problems of action research are quite
simple; science merely turns its weapons in a new direction. Actually the case
is quite different, Not only does the action researcher face all of the
difficulties which confront the scientist in his laboratory, but an entirely
new set of difficulties, extraneous to fact-finding per se, enter the picture.
Consider the case of the
physical sciences. Ordinarily the scientist's job comes to an end, as far as
society is concerned, when he has made some tecnological advance or some
socially scientific discovery. It is up to society to make use of this
development. If it fails to do so, the scientist may perhaps react with a sense
of personal futility, but he still considers that his job has been done; he
does not ordinarily suppose that it part of his job to see to it that the
results of his labors are applied.
Group leader who sincerely
desired to carry out the role assigned him, found himself at a loss as to how
to go about it. All the training of these group workers predisposed them to
take a 'non-directive' role, helping their goups to channel and articulate their
interests, but never actually bringing up a topic in which the gru\oup was not
already interested. It required several months of effort by an experienced
group worker on the CCI staff to develop in the 'attention' group leaders a
clear understanding of what they were supposed to do, a real interest in doing
it, and an ability to do it in the midst of the innumerable distractions
involved in group work with active and uninhibited youngsters. Unfortunately by
the time this was accomplished the experiment was nearly over, so that most of
the 'attention' gropus did not actually have their attention called to their
mixed ethnic composition more than two or three in any clear-cut fashion.
The situation demanded
extremely precise and sensitive measurement techniques in order to gauge the effects
of what little the group leaders had accomplished. Unfortunately during the
experiment it became clear that the measurements techniques we were using were
not capable or registering accurately slight changes in degree of prejudice,
especially among the rather unprejudeiced chidren who formed the great majority
of our subjects. A simple verbal test of prejudice and an elaborate projective
test were devised to meet this need, but by the time they were ready for use
the recreation center had closed for the summer. A complicated and expensive
post-experimental testing program had to be added to the original experimental
design.
It is still too early to
tell whether these additional efforts will prove sufficient to provide an
adequate test of the hypothesis that the experiment was intended will be
necessary. However, it is clear by now that the hyphotesis can be tested
experimentally, and it seems very doubtful that it could be tested adequately
in any other fashion.
Tidak ada komentar:
Posting Komentar